Hudson's Bay Company outposts

[Prairyearth]

This is a map of Hudson's Bay Company outposts. All those little teeny weeny red dots are Hudson's Bay posts.

I have been on a learning curve journey as of late. Will post more as it becomes available. Prairy

[Prairyearth]

Oh, before I forget, I wanted to share a bit about the Insurance Company of North American quoted from a book I own from long ago. Prairy

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Keeping the Flag Afloat

In the records of the Insurance Company of North America are written many tense dramas of the sea. There you may read, for example, of the ship Industry from Havre, France, buffeted in heavy weather and driven ashore at the mouth of the Delaware in the year 1793. Ten passengers and the crew of a life boat were drowned. The North American paid $4,000. the first marine settlement on it's books.

As the largest single insurer of ships and cargoes, the Insurance Company of North America played a part of supreme importance in the critical first years of the Nation's life. In his "Biography of A Business," Marquis James writes: "The freedom of the seas was necessary to our life and prosperity and there were dark days and years when it seemed as if that freedom were impossible for us to keep. It's own future at stake on the sea, the Insurance Company of North America and those of the United States were one. In the long fight for fortunes of the firm on Front Street were tied to those of the United States as a tail to a kite. Every American flag the company helped to keep afloat was a blow for our side in the battle for national existence."

Even before Congress in 1794 took steps to build the United States Navy in order to protect American commerce on the high seas, the Insurance Company of North America was underwriting risks for the nations growing ocean-borne trade. During the taut days when privateering was rampant, the carrying trade of the new nation leaned heavily upon the North Americans protection. All through the growth of the sea trade with China and South America, the development of packet line service between Great Britain and the United States, and during the celebrated clipper voyages to California, a large part of the nations shipping was underwritten by North America.

From the Book: THE HISTORICAL COLLECTION of the Insurance Company of North America

[GhostChild]

Awesome!

http://www.hbc.com/hbcheritage/history/peo...ders/lordes.asp

"Lordes and Proprietors"
The Original Investors of Hbc
Who were the people who invested in Hudson's Bay Company? Most were financiers, noblemen and men active in the highest circles of business and the Royal Court.
In 1665 Pierre Radisson and his brother-in-law Médard Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers, accompanied by Colonel George Cartwright, whom they had met in Boston, arrived in London seeking backers for their proposed fur trading venture to Hudson Bay. It was not an auspicious time in the capital: an outbreak of plague had sent the city into a tailspin. Cartwright introduced the two to a number of influential men. Among these were Sir George Carteret and Robert Boyle.


Nonsuch Returns to London, 1669 by Norman Wilkinson, ca. 1943
Sir George Carteret was a self-made millionaire whose fortune had been built on the profits of piracy against the Cromwellians during the English Civil War. After the Restoration he was Vice-Chamberlain of the King's Household, Treasurer of the Royal Navy, Commissioner of the Board of Trade and MP for Portsmouth. He was also an important member of the newly-founded Royal African Company. Robert Boyle, the pioneering physicist famous as the discoverer of Boyle's Gas Law, was a founding member of the Royal Society, an association of scientists. He was also the son of the Earl of Cork, one of the wealthiest men in the country, and extremely rich in his own right. He would eventually buy into Hbc in order to gain access to the scientific information gathered by its servants. It is unclear which of these two arranged to take the Frenchmen to Oxford where the Court had relocated to avoid the plague-ridden city. There they met King Charles II.
The proposed northern trade route caught the King's imagination and he put Radisson and des Groseilliers on a weekly stipend, placing them in the care of a young banker named Sir Peter Colleton. Colleton was the son of a Barbadian sugar planter and himself had colonial interests in the Bahamas and the Carolinas. Colleton escorted the Frenchmen back to London where he introduced them to the rest of the men who would become their initial backers. To quote one historian this group was not "a haphazard and spontaneous group of men who were attracted by the romance of their story, but a coordinated group with great interests in the colonial field, with considerable experience, and with a definite purpose."
Sometime in 1666 plans came together to underwrite a speculative voyage to North America to test the viability of the sea route and the potential of the trade, but Dutch domination of the seas precluded any voyage that year. The following year saw some progress but still no vessel set sail for Hudson Bay. Without a formal company structure yet in place to support such a venture, it was left to various individuals to advance seed money to keep the project afloat. Colleton undertook personal expenses for Radisson and des Groseilliers. Carteret bought a vessel for the voyage - the Discovery - although she proved unsuitable and was later sold at a loss. In October 1667 Francis Millington, a Customs Commissioner for the City of London, advanced money which was later credited towards the purchase of a share. So did his relative by marriage Sir Robert Vyner, Controller of the Mint, Lord Mayor of London and leading merchant banker of the day. John Fenn, Paymaster of the Royal Navy, started to contribute money for working expenses in December, 1667 and more came from John Portman, a prominent banker to investors in the Carolina and Bahamian colonies and Treasurer of those respective companies.


His Highness Prince Rupert by Studio of Anthony van Dyck, n.d.
Oil on canvas
By 1668 a company was starting to take shape. Ledgers exist from that time and the initial expenses and investments are recorded. Great men of the Court joined these financial men of the city. Prince Rupert himself began to pay for a full share in June 1668, by which time the Nonsuch had already departed London. Anthony Ashley Cooper, Lord Ashley (later first Earl Shaftesbury), made his initial investment in August. Chancellor of the Exchequer and member of the Privy Council, he was a close friend of Rupert's and a partner along with him in a number of commercial enterprises, including the Royal African and Royal Fisheries Companies, as well as an investor in colonies in Barbados, the Bahamas and Guinea. William Craven, Lord Craven, had been a long-time supporter of the Stuarts, in particular of Rupert's mother Elizabeth, whose heir he was. A Privy Councillor, he too was an investor in the Carolina colony and the Royal Fisheries Company. Henry Bennet, Baron Arlington (later first Earl Arlington), was Secretary of State and an MP. George Monck, Duke of Albemarle, Lord of Trade and Plantations and Privy Councillor, had restored Charles to the throne. He also had interests in the Carolinas, the Royal African and Royal Fisheries companies. Sir James Hayes, personal Secretary of Prince Rupert, contributed money as well his deft organizing ability. Hayes was a barrister and MP with numerous investments, but functioned primarily as financial adviser to the Prince. Hayes would end up Deputy Governor of Hbc and its largest single shareholder with a 20% stake.
Other investors included Hayes' brother-in-law and MP Sir Edward Hungerford; Sir John Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower of London; Sir John Griffith, a professional soldier and city magnate; Sir Paul Neile, a member of the Royal Society; William Prettyman, a adventurer to India; Sir John Kirke, the son of a merchant who had captured Quebec in 1828, and the only investor with firsthand knowledge of the North American fur trade
The Nonsuch returned to London in October 1669 - almost four years after Radisson and des Groseilliers had first arrived there. But it had been worth the wait. Her success, the value of her cargo and the influence of the men who had backed her led directly to the granting of the Royal Charter the following year.
The Nonsuch


Nonsuch Returns to London, 1669 by Norman Wilkinson, ca. 1943
In 1666 an informal syndicate of businessmen and courtiers committed to exploring the feasibility of a northern fur trade route into Hudson Bay began to come together in London. Their intent was to underwrite a speculative voyage to North America and prove the economic viability of the idea first proposed by Radisson and des Groseilliers. In addition to the capital required for such a venture the group needed reliable transport: the transatlantic journey was not without considerable risk.
In 1667 prominent syndicate member Sir George Carteret, who was both Treasurer of the Royal Navy and Commissioner of the Board of Trade, personally undertook to procure a vessel on behalf of the group. He bought the ketch Discovery, which later proved entirely unsuitable for the task. The following entry from the first ledger of Hudson's Bay Company records the reimbursement to Carteret, in January 1668, of the purchase price and reveals that Discovery was subsequently sold at a loss:
By cash paid for the Discovery ketch (which was bought for the Company's use and Sold by their Order) more than she produced upon Sale £70.
By early 1668 alternate transport had been arranged. The Royal Navy ketch Eaglet was leased for a sum of £6 2s.6d. This arrangement was made with King Charles II and is directly attributable to the influence of his cousin, Prince Rupert, one of the voyage's backers. The second vessel, the Nonsuch, another ketch, had also seen service in the Royal Navy but had been acquired the previous autumn by timber merchant Sir William Warren. In March 1668 Warren sold the Nonsuch to the group for £290.


The replica Nonsuch, by Jim Flynn, 1970
By May both ships had been outfitted for the journey and were full to bursting with foodstuffs, rope, clothing, guns, powder and shot, paper, quills and ink as well as a cargo of items for trade: kettles, metal tools, needles, beads, tobacco and blankets. On June 5, 1668, the two vessels made their way down the Thames from Gravesend en route to Hudson Bay. Ten days later they rounded the Orkney Islands to the Northeast of Scotland and headed west.
Eaglet was commanded by Captain William Stannard of the Royal Navy and carried Pierre-Esprit Radisson aboard. The master of the Nonsuch was Captain Zachariah Gillam; Médart Chouart, Sieur des Groseilliers sailed with him. Gillam was already known to both the Frenchmen: in 1663 Radisson and des Groseilliers had previously accompanied him on an abortive voyage from Boston as far as Hudson Strait, where they were turned back by ice. This trip would prove just as difficult. Some 1200 nautical miles west of Ireland the two ships encountered severe storms and heavy seas. Eaglet was forced to turn back and arrived back in Plymouth "with some losse" by August; Nonsuch carried on alone.
The sturdy little vessel anchored in James Bay off the mouth of the Rupert River on September 29, 1668 - the very same place where Henry Hudson had wintered more than half a century earlier. The crew set about to make their winter camp, clearing land and building a stockade and small house. Nonsuch was hauled up out of the water and careened on the riverbank. In the spring of 1669, after a long winter, almost 300 peaceful Cree arrived to trade prime beaver skins. Finally, on June 14, Nonsuch set sail for England, arriving back in London in October. The subsequent history of the ship is unknown, but it is likely she was sold. Later vessels used by Hbc were much larger.


Entry in Hbc Grand Ledger for 30 March 1668 showing the purchase of the Nonsuch from Sir William Warren
HBCA A14.1 fo. 79
Both Nonsuch and Eaglet were ketches, a type of two-masted sailing vessel with the second, or mizzen, mast set behind the main mast and holding a small triangular sail. The ketch is still popular today among long distance cruisers as the additional sail allows for better balance. At 43 tons Nonsuch had a deck 53 feet in length, 37 feet along the keel. Her beam (breadth) was 15 feet , she had a draft of 6½ feet, and was designed to take a completment of 6-8 naval cannon. Built in Wivenhoe, Essex in 1650, she had begun life as a merchant ship, was bought by the British Navy, subsequently captured by the Dutch, and recaptured by the British before being sold to private interests. She is generally believed to have been named in honour of Barbara Villiers, Lady Castlemaine, one of King Charles II's favourite mistresses. The name, meaning "none such" or "without equal" was a nickname of hers.
To celebrate the 300th anniversary of the Company a replica of the Nonsuch was built by Messrs. J. Hinks and Sons of Appledore, Devon. She was launched in August 1968 and shipped to Canada in 1970. She sailed around Lake Ontario in 1970 and 1971 and through the Welland Canal into Lake Erie, and as far as Chicago. In 1972 she was transported to Seattle and after spending some time there sailed up to British Columbia making several ports of call along the coast. Today the Nonsuch replica has a permanent home in Winnipeg at the Manitoba Museum, where she is the star attraction of the Nonsuch Gallery, "moored" at a recreation of the 17th c. London docks.

[Prairyearth]

Now, I have a question. In studying some early records, I've repeatedly run across the mention of Wampum. I will share some examples of said records from Woronoco or Waronoak, a sister Bay Colony in parts now known as Massachusetts and Conneticut below. My questions is, how can one truly put value to Wampum for land?
Prairy
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BEGINNINGS OF SETTLEMENT AT WORONOCO

In early colonial and town records the Indian name of the
region which became the town of Westfield is spelled in no
less than a dozen different ways. The meaning of Woronoco,
as given by R. A. Douglas-Lithgaw, M.D., in his "Dictionary
of American Indian Places and Proper Names" is "The country
with windings." Game having been very abundant in the
neighborhood and situated so near to the foothills of the Berk-
shires, it was a place much used by the Indians as a market
for furs. Its unusual facilities for the prosecution of trade
in valuable peltry gave it prominence in the earliest records
of the Connecticut River settlements. The lower Colony
was eager for its possession and Massachusetts was no less
so. The controversy of the two Colonies for the territory
which comprised much of the original plantation of Springfield
was long, tedious and, like all such disputes about property,
not always kindly.

All the early historians of this region devote large time
and space to an account of its tedious details and obstinate
continuance. Reference has been made in an earlier chapter
to the patent of Lord Say and Seal, Lord Brooke and others
which covered the territory of Connecticut and a strip reaching
thence to the Western Ocean. John Winthrop, the Governor's
son, on his return from England in 1635, brought a commission
as Governor from those patentees, and the sum of
two thousand dollars to be used in the erection of a fort at
the mouth of the Connecticut River. A small work was
constructed in which two pieces of cannon were mounted.

Lyon Gardiner, an engineer brought over by Winthrop, had
charge of its construction and afterward commanded it. Four
years later, in 1639, George Fenwick, Esq., came from England
to act as agent of the patentees of Connecticut. Hutch-
inson characterizes him as "a worthy, pious gentleman, and of
a good family and estate." He took up his residence at the
mouth of the river and called it Saybrook, from the names
of the two noblemen who were distinguished members of
the company of patentees. In the following year 1640 a very
important transaction occurred, recorded in identical language
Ly Trumbull, in his "History of Connecticut,"and by Holmes
in his "Annals of America": "The people of Connecticut
purchased Waranoke and soon began a plantation there.
Governor Hopkins erected a trading house there and had a
considerable interest in the plantation."

In May, 1643, there met at Boston Commissioners from the
several Colonies, Plymouth, Connecticut and New Haven,
to arrange with others representing Massachusetts, a Federation
of the Colonies for the common defense and welfare,
which became known as "The United Colonies of New England."
At the first meeting of their Commissioners in Boston,
September 7, of that year, Connecticut was represented by
George Fenwick and Edward Hopkins, both active agents
in the controversy over the possession of Woronoco. Two
years earlier, in 1641, the General Court of Massachusetts,
considering the purchase of lands in its territory by Connecticut
people who claimed it as a part of the domain of that
Colony, an encroachment upon the domain of Massachusetts,
wrote to the aggressors as follows: "It is grievos to us to
meete with any occation that might cause difference to arise
betweene yor people & us, standing in so near relation of
friendship, neighborhood & Christianity, especially; therefore
or study is (when any such arise) to labor the removing
of them upon the first appearance. Now, so it is, that we
have been certified that you have given leave to some of yors
to set up a trading house at Woronock, wch is knowne to
bee within or patent, lying as much or more to the north than
Springfield, wch wee apphend to bee an injury to us, & do
us such right in redresse hearof as you would expect fro us
in a like case. Wee suppose wee shall not need to use other
argumts; wee know to whom wee wright. Wee have thought
meete upon these occations to Ultimate further unto you that
wee intend (by God's grace) to know the certeinty of or limits,
to the end that wee may neither intrench upon the right of
any of or neighbors, nor suffer orselves & or posterity to bee
deprived of what rightly belongs unto us, wch wee hope wilbe
without offence to any: & upon this we may have some ground
preceding in or further treaty wth you about such things as
may conceme the welfare of us all. These things wee leave
to yor consideration & shall expect yor answer. In the meene
time wee rest."

May we not readily discover in this diplomatic document
the fine legal hand of William Pynchon who had not ceased
to burn under a sense of injustice since his trial and condemnation
by those Connecticut neighbors three years before? In
the spring of 1638, while he was still one of the Commissioners
having in charge the river settlements, he was summoned
to appear before the Court at Hartford and make answer
to four charges. He was accused to his great amazement
and indignation, (1) of raising the price of corn purchased of
the Indians for the settlers, that he might increase his own
profit; (2) of having refused to lend a canoe to a Woronoco
Indian who wanted to carry com down the river under contract
with Captain Mason; (3) of keeping the Woronoco,
Nonotuck and Agawam Indians in abject fear of him, that
he might have a monopoly of their trade and be considered
the great English sachem of the Connecticut Valley; (4) of
prevailing upon some Mohawk runners to sell him some beaver
skins that had been sent by their chiefs as presents and proofs
of good will to the authorities in Connecticut.

When Mr. Pynchon defended himself before the Court by
explaining his method of dealing with the Indians by not
advancing wampum, but holding it until they delivered their
corn, Mr. Hooker, the minister, sneeringly replied that "Mr.
Pynchon knew that the Indians being afrayd of him, would
not bring downe any corne, but that he should have all the
trade to himself, & have all the corne in his own hands, and
bring all that water to his own mill, and so rack the country
at his pleasure."

He was ordered to pay a fine of "40tie bushells of Indian
Corne for the publique."
Feeling that his rights had been ignored, his dignity had
been insulted, his christian character had been dishonored,
it was but natural that he should resent the subsequent attempts
of his traducers to encroach upon his domain and
limit the commercial prerogative to which he was justly entitled.

And so the struggle for Woronoco went merrily forward
between the Colonies and between those who were the giants
of those days.......cont.
......
continued..... There yet remained one more essential condition of legal
settlement to be fulfilled according to the strict and just principles
of the Puritan immigrants in New England. The point
has been well urged that too much has been made of the fact
that in 1683 William Penn treated the aborigines so fairly
and generously in making formal purchase of their lands, as
though the act were unparalleled in American history. With
no disparagement to that large-hearted settler, whose treatment
of the Indians has been properly made a synonym of
high and broad minded nobility, it yet would be most unjust
to the New England settlers to ignore the fact that the General
Court of Massachusetts demanded that Indian titles should
be respected and extinguished by honorable purchase before
rights to the land should be considered indisputable. The
celebrated picture by West is well known. It represents
Penn purchasing territory and executing the treaty at Schacka-
maxan (now Kensington) in 1683. By Raynal and other
eulogists, Penn is lauded as the only European who ever got
land from the Indians by method other than chicanery or
brute force. But fifty-four years before the treaty of Shacka-
maxan was executed, the Puritan proprietors in London in
1629 instructed their Governor Endicott as follows'
If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to
all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray
you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the
least scruple of intrusion." (Hazard State Papers, I, 263.)
Bancroft says that at the period of King Philip's War,
on the authority of Winslow, in "Hubbard's Indian Wars": "
The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the
territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land
without first obtaining a title from the Indians."
All the early settlements on the Connecticut River were
based on that humane policy, Hartford, Wethersfield, Haddam,
Windsor, Springfield, Northampton, Hadley, Deerfield, North-
field. The records of each of these towns, many of which
were subsequently divided many times, show that its land
was thus secured by purchase from the Indians. Hence,
it was both natural and obligatory for the people of Woronoco
to complete their title by purchase of their territory from the
natives of their region. The following deed was duly executed: "
These presents testify that Alquat the Indian Sachem
of Woronoake and Pojasick for & in Consideration of the Sum
of forty Pounds in English accot being so much Sterling to
him in hand before ye Sealing & Delivery hearof wel & truly
Payed by Capt Jno Pynchon of Springfeild for & in the behalf
of Capt Aron Cooke Mr. James Cornish mr Joseph Whiting
Geo: Phelps Tho: Noble David Ashley Jno Roote &
other ye Inhabitants of Woronoake alias Westfeild, the Receite
whare of the sd Alquat Doth Acknowledge by these presents
& therewith to be fully satisfied & contented Hath Given
granted bargained & sold & by these presents doth fully &
clearly & absolutely Give grant bargain & sell unto Capt
Aron Cooke mr James Cornish mr Joseph Whiting George
Phelps Tho: Noble David Ashley John Roote of Westfeild
alias Woronoake aforesd for themselves & the Present Inhabitants
of the abovesd Place or Plantation and theire Successors
& Assigns from time to time & unto their heires &
Assigns for ever according as their severall Proportions or
Divisions shal be Laid & proportioned to them. A certain
Parcel or Tract of Land Medow & Woodland lying & being
at Woronoake aforsd on the South side of Woronoake River
the great River & on the North or Northerly side of the Little
River or Forte River: Adjoining on the Southeast, East and
Northeast on Land formerly purchased by Saml Marshfield
of Springfield for the Inhabitants of Westfeild aforesd & on
the South & South-West on the little River abovementioned
comonly called the Fort River: on the North or Northerly
It is bounded by the grt River called Woronoake River &
so runs up Woronoake river to the ffalls neer about a mile
above the present Houses to a marked Tree there and from
that marked Tree it Runs off westerly or Sou. Westerly upon
a straite line to the Little River or Fort River to a Stone at
the Nooke or point where all the good Land ends & where
going up the Hill the Pine Plaine begins the said Common
or pine Plaines being the Westerly or Nor Westerly bounds
of this Tract of Land The line of Division being Run by seveall
Inglish going along wth the Indians from the ffalls in the
grt River over to that Stone aforementioned wch is on the
top of the hill by the little River where the Pine Plaine begins
To have and To hold al the Parcel or Tract of Land before
mentioned containing seveal hundred acres wth al the profits
and appurtenances thereupon or thereunto belonging to the
sd Capt Cooke James Cornish Joseph Whiting Geo: Phelps
Tho: Noble David Ashley and Jno Roote for the Inhabitants
of Westfeild aforsd according as Division yr of shal be made
to ym & to their heires & assignes for ever onely reserving
& exempting out of the present sale seven acres of medow Land
for Wollump, son of sd Alquat, wch seven acres resarved and
exempted lyes in a nooke by the little River & agt land now
deeded & proportioned to mr Joseph Whiteing & to be at
the sole dispose of the sd Alquat & Wollump: also reserving
liberty for Indians to fish & take fowls: And the sd Alquat
doth Covenante & promise to & with the sd Capt Cooke mr.
James Cornish mr Joseph Whiteing Geo Phelps Tho: Noble
David Ashley & Jno Roote that he will save them harmless
fro al manner of Claim of any Person or persons Lawfully .
Claiming any Right Title or Interest in the premises, otherwise
than ye Reserve or Exemption of the seven acres for
Wollump. In witnesse whereof the sd Alquat hath hereunto
affixed his hand & Scale this 30th Day of June 1669
Subscribed sealed & delivered the marke of Al quat
in the presence of with his scale affixt
Sam. Marshfield Timothy Cooper
William Brooke John Aeston
the marke of Wollump ) Indian
ye marke of Wallawunt ) Witnesses "
Alquat the Indian Sachem acknowledged this Instrumt
to be his act & Deed, this present 30th June 1669, before me
John Pynchon Asist.
Jan. 8 1684: Entered this deed fro the original
by me Jno Holyoke Recorder
Attested by me Isaac Phelps
Town Clerk.
A true cope of ye original deed" (
Hampden County Records, Vol. I-II: p. 50.)
The first deed of land at Woronoco purchased of the Indians
preserved upon the County records, is the following: "
The Coppy of Ensigne Thomas Cooper of Springfield
his deed of Morgage of certayne Lands at Worronoco from
Amoakussen the Owner thereof. These presents testify
That I Amoakussen of Worrinoke doe this present day make
over unto Thomas Cooper of Springfield all that parcell of
Land Lying on the Northeast Side of Worrinoke River, to
witt, betwixt the brook called Tomhaumucke & the River
called Worrinoke River from the mouth of said River Tomhaumucke,
& soe up soe high towards Pochasuck, as until]
he cometh to the hill called Wasapskotuck: All this Parcell
of Land, doe I Amoakussen make over unto Thomas Cooper
of Springfeild his heires or assignes, for security of such debt
or debts as I ye said Amokussen doe own unto the said Thomas
Cooper or shall hereafter owe unto him, and that in case I
shall eyther refuse to pay him uppon demand, or yt I shall
by any providence be taken away, then shall this said Land fall
into ye hands & be at the full enjoymt of the said Thomas
Cooper or his heires or assignes for ever & without that molestation
from any : And herunto have I sett my hand this Ninteenth

day of September, 1660: I doe acknowledge my selfe indebted
unto Thomas Cooper the summe of 12 pounds, & for the
present debt, & for what I shall take up of him, To Pay within
this twelve month doe I make over this said Land, with all
wood & trees or whatsoever else doth grow thereon, as witness
my hand the day & yeere above specifyed to wit that
tract of Land whereof Alamaquassuck is part.
Witness
Pelotiah Glover the marke of * Amoakussen
Timothy Cooper the mark of * Amoakussen his wife "
This deed of Sale or morgage was acknowledged by the
Indian above subscribing called Amoakussen: the 9th of
October 1660:
Before mee Elizur Holyoke Recorder." (
Hampshire County Records, Vol. I. p. 17.)
There is the record of a curious confirmation of the preceding
document bearing a date of four years later: "
Here ffollowes a Coppy of a deed whereby Amoakussen
als Nacogewallant an Indian (Sometime Owner of certayne
Lands at Worronoco) doth make a further confirmation of
Said Lands to Ensigne T Cooper of Springfeild & to his Assignes,
the said Indian haveing formerly sold the said Land to ye
said Ensigne Cooper by way of Morgage, as appeareth by a
deed in page 17th also together with this deed there is annexed
the Coppy of ye Said Indians acknowledgmt thereof before
ye Comissionrs of Springfeild: "
These prsents testify that an Indian called Amoakussen
als Nacogewallant Sometyme Owner of a parcell of Land
at or neere the place called Worronoco Seaven or Eight Miles
from Springfeild wch Land is bounded by the River called
Worronoco River on the Southerly & Easterly part thereof
& by the brooke called Tomhamock Northerly & by the great
hill called Wausapokatuck Westerly haveing formerly morgaged
& Sold the said parcell of Land unto Ensigne Thomas Cooper
of Springfeild & unto his heires & assignes for Ever for good
& valluable considerations: the said Indian called Amoakussen
als Nacogewallant doth now for & in other good considerations
hereby for the more full confirmation of the said Land bounded
as aforesaid unto the said Ensigne Cooper & to his assignes
for Ever, utterly disclaime all his the said Indians right or
interest in ye said Land giveing it wholly absolutely & clearly
over to the said Ensigne Cooper & to his assignes for Ever:
which said parcell of Land bounded as aforesaid The said
Ensigne Cooper Shall have hold & enjoy for himself & his
assignes for Ever: In witness whereof the said Indian hath
hereunto sett his hand this 20th day of Octobr 1664.
Subscribed & delivered
in ye presence of the mark of the Indian called
Elizur Holyoke Amoakussen *
Thomas Munson als Nacogawallant
John Holyoke "
This Deed was acknowledged by the abovesaid Indian
this 20th of October 1664:
Elizur Holyoke Commissioner. Before me: John Pynchon "
The above mentioned Ensign Cooper haveing formerly
Sold the Land at Worronoco (mentioned in the deed next
abve) unto his brother Henry Glover of New Haven & Some
others, he the said Ens: Cooper hath made an Assignemt
of ye deed above mentioned unto his brother Glover for a
further confirmation of the said Land to his said Brother
Henry Glover & the rest of the Proprietors of ye Said Land: "
A Coppy of wch Assignemt here ffolloweth: "
These prsents testify that I Thomas Cooper of Spring-
feilds doe in the behalfe of my Brother Henry Glover of New
Haven & the rest of the proprietors of the Land within mentioned
at Worronoco assigned & fully & clearly make over
& pass away this deed or wri tinge on the other side of this
leafe unto my said brother Henry Glover utterly disclaiming
any right or interest in this deed or writing on the other
side of this leafe or in the said Land: And in witness hereof
I have hereunto sett my hand, this 28th day of Octobr Anno
Dm. 1664
Thomas Cooper
Subscribed & Delivered in the presence of
Elizur Holyoke
Thomas Musson Recorded November 7th 1664:
John Holyoke By mee Elizur Holyoke (
Idem. p. 49.) Recorder"

Mr. Harry Andrew Wright, in "Indian Deeds of Hampden
County," adds notes to his copy of the preceding documents,
in which he defines the Indian place names : "
Worrinoke. — From the Algonquin root, wanon, 'in a
circular way; in a winding way,' with the substantive, ock, '
place, country.' By the substitution of r, one of the interchangeable
letters of the dialect, this becomes loaron, and a
is pronounced nearly like the short English o. This then becomes
Woron-ock; 'the country with windings; the winding
land'; and the character of territory would not be opposed to
such an interpretation. "
Tomhaumucke. — From aito-maham-uck, 'land on both
sides (of which) water flows down,' or 'the canoe man goes
down.' The name would then mean 'the land where one
goes down stream on both sides.' This brook was probably
the common avenue in going from Worrinoke to Nonotuck.
In aito, as spoken by an Indian, the first syllable is less hard
than the second, and may easily have been disregarded. The
modern name is Sackett's Brook. "

Pochassuck. — 'Where the narrows open out.' "


Wasapskotock.— Was is the root for 'shining'; apikat
in Algonquin, and apiskan in Montagnais is 'rock' verbified
in the indicative mood. Thus we have was-apikai-ock, 'the
shining rock land.' The modern name is Prospect Hill."
Some litigation followed this transaction as shown by the
Records of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. "June 8, 1671.
In ansr to the petition of Alquot & Wallump, sachems of
Pojassacke neere Westfield, complayning that an Indian
called Amoakisson sold a parcell of their land at Woronoake
to Left Cooper, wch is distributed amongst severaU English
inhabitants of Westfeild, without giving them the true ouners
of ye land, any allowance, though often desired & demanded,
humbly desiring this Courts favor to releive them, the Court
judgeth it meete to refer it to the County Court at Hampshire
to order the petitioners satisfaction, (if they find just cause,)
and to make a finall issue of the matter, & to return what
they doe herein to the Generall Court." (Vol. 4, p. 687.)
It is probable that the Hampshire Court Records of two
years later had reference to the above grievance.
That Lieut. Cooper failed to carry out all the conditions
of his contract with Wallump in the mortgage deed given
him by the latter is evident from the following record — though
there is no record of the purchase: "
Att the County Corte holden at Springffeild
Sep ye 30, 1673.
Leiut Cooper of Springfield Plant contra Wallump the Sachem
of Poch**ick in an action of the case for not performing
the tearmes & tenor of a deed of sale respecting some agt
those lands mentioned in that said deed wch is signed by
the said Wallump with all just damages. "
In this action between Leiut Cooper Plant & Wallump
defdt the attachment & evidences in the case being presented
& read in Corte (& wch are on file) & comitted to ye jury they
brought in their verdict that they find for ye Deft costs of
Corte.
Costs as pr bill allowed is ten shillings."


Record of Land Purchase from Woronoco Indians. "


Thes presentes witnesseth this 20 day of Aprill 1641 a
bargaine betweene William Pynchon of Springfield on Quinetti-
cott River on the one party and Nippumsuit of Naunetak
in the name and with the consent of other Indians the owners
of certaine grounde hereafter named viz. with name and be-
halfe of Mishqua and her sonn Saccarant and Secansk and
Wenepawin all of Woronoco and Misquis the owner of Skep
and other grounds adioyning and Jancompawn of Nanotak
on the other party witnesseth that the said Nippumsuit
with the consent and in the name of the rest for and in consideration
of the sume of fifteene fathom of wampam by tale
accounted and one yard and three quarters of double shagg
bages one bow seaven knifes seaven payer of sessors and seaven
aules with certaine fish hooks and other smale things given
at their request: all thes being in hand paid to the said Nippumsuit
in the name of the rest: and for and in consideration
of the said goods paid before the subscribing hereof hath
barganed sould given and granted and by thes presentes hath
fully and cleerely barganed and absolutely granted to the
said William his heires and assignes for ever all the groundes
meddowes and woodlandes lieng on the East side of Quettcot
river from the mouth of Chckoppy River up to another smale
Riveret caled Wollamamsak sepe which Riveret runs into
Quinnetecot River with the meddow and planting groundes
called Paconemisk and all the other meddowes that are wet
and hassocky lyeing betweene the said Riveretes. Also all
the woodlands lieng about three or fouer miles up Chickuppy
River and the meddow there caled skep alias skipnuck, or by
what other name or names the said groundes be caled with
all the pondes waters swampes or other profitte adioyning
to all the said premises with all the Bands in Chickuppy River
and the meddow and swamps called Pissak on the south side
of Chickuppy river near the mouth of the River: The said
Nippumsuit with the consent of the Rest above named hath
absolutely sould to the said William his heires and assignes
for ever: to have and to hould the said premises with all
and singular their appurtenances free from all incumbrances
of other Indians: and the said William doth condition that
the said Nippumsuit shall have liberty of fishing in Chickuppy
at the u snail wares that now are in use: In witnesse of these
presents the said Nippumsuit with the consent of the Rest
hath subscribed his marke the day and yeare first above written
being the twenty day of the second month 1641." (
The subscribed names and their symbols follow) "
given to Wnenpawin at the subscribing one yard and H
for a coate of broad Bayes: and 1 pair of brieches to Mis-
quis and 6 Knifes to them all: also I trusted Misquis for a
coate which he never paid and he was trusted uppon respect
of setting his hand to this writinge. "

May the 24th 1641. When Seconsk sett her hand to
this writing Mr. Pynchon gave her 12 handes of wampam
and a Knife. "

8t mon : 9 day 1643. When Jancompowin sett his hande
in the presence of us and Coe Mr. Pynchon gave him a coate
and a knife. He came not to sett his hand to this writinge
till this day. Witnesses
Geo: Moxon.
Henry Smith.
John Pinchon. "

The woman called Seconsk abovesaid who was the widdow
of Kenip after she had 12 handes of wampum and a Knife:
river from the mouth of Chckoppy River up to another smale
Riveret caled Wollamamsak sepe which Riveret runs into
Quinnetecot River with the meddow and planting groundes
called Paconemisk and all the other meddowes that are wet
and hassocky lyeing betweene the said Riveretes. Also all
the woodlands lieng about three or fouer miles up Chickuppy
River and the meddow there caled skep alias skipnuck, or by
what other name or names the said groundes be caled with
all the pondes waters swampes or other profitte adioyning
to all the said premises with all the Bands in Chickuppy River
and the meddow and swamps called Pissak on the south side
of Chickuppy river near the mouth of the River: The said
Nippumsuit with the consent of the Rest above named hath
absolutely sould to the said William his heires and assignes
for ever: to have and to hould the said premises with all
and singular their appurtenances free from all incumbrances
of other Indians: and the said William doth condition that
the said Nippumsuit shall have liberty of fishing in Chickuppy
at the u snail wares that now are in use: In witnesse of these
presents the said Nippumsuit with the consent of the Rest
hath subscribed his marke the day and yeare first above written
being the twenty day of the second month 1641." (
The subscribed names and their symbols follow) "
given to Wnenpawin at the subscribing one yard and H
for a coate of broad Bayes: and 1 pair of brieches to Mis-
quis and 6 Knifes to them all: also I trusted Misquis for a
coate which he never paid and he was trusted uppon respect
of setting his hand to this writinge. "

May the 24th 1641. When Seconsk sett her hand to
this writing Mr. Pynchon gave her 12 handes of wampam
and a Knife. "
8t mon : 9 day 1643. When Jancompowin sett his hande
in the presence of us and Coe Mr. Pynchon gave him a coate
and a knife. He came not to sett his hand to this writinge
till this day. Witnesses
Geo: Moxon.
Henry Smith.
John Pinchon. "

The woman called Seconsk abovesaid who was the widdow
of Kenip after she had 12 handes of wampum and a Knife:
came againe to Mr. Pynchon the 27 June 1644: desyringe a
further reward in respect she said that she had not a full coate
as some others had : thereuppon Mr. Pynchon gave her a childe
coate of Redd Cotton which came to 8 hande of wampum
and a glasse and a Knife which came to above 2 hande of
wampum more: in the presence of Janandua her present
husband: witnesse my hand per me William Pynchon and
she was fully satisfied. "

Also Nippumsuit had another large coate for his sister
that he said had right in the said land which came to 13s. "
Also the wampom within named was current money
pay at 8s per fathom at the tyme it was paid, per me.
William Pynchon "

continued upon request....